Traditional Japanese Farmers Reject Current Technology as a Means of Upholding Cultural Values
Abstract
The purpose of this research was to find whether or not the rejection of modern technology plays a vital role in supporting the stability of Small Scale Japanese Farms. This research is original, I therefore found it appropriate to use methodology of constructing an ethnography for this thesis. The usage of data collected by the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries and other secondary sources played the staple role in having information to compare and contrast with to help aid in a claim through objective information. My experience on Nakamura Farm acted as a factor of observation that help provide the thesis of this paper. These factors in my research lead to the belief that traditional Japanese Farmers reject current technology as a mean of upholding cultural values. The point of interest started in Tohoku area while the conducting of the research took place in the Chubu; therefore, this claim is limited to the main island of Japan, Honshu. This research’s outcome, perspective, or opinions should be held solely to the prefecture of Nagano, for other locations in Japan have different methods and perspectives in the field of agriculture and business.
Hypotyposis
Light cracks through the blinds of the room’s windows acting as an alarm of nature encouraging the day’s workers to wake up. We brush our teeth and clean ourselves up to prepare for another day. Starting interactions with greetings to one another and then heading to the kitchen as the room fills with the aroma of a fresh cooked breakfast. Steam from freshly made rice floats up and crawls against the ceiling, the smell of eggs and fish grazes by the nostrils followed by the sweet smell of freshly cute oranges and plums. Grabbing a pair of chopsticks, a bowl, and a cup we approach the table set up as a buffet. Filling the bowl to the brim with rice and pouring hot tea in the cup we all take our seats and give thanks to the meal. Pleasantly socializing about the day’s task ahead and plans to come, then returning to the food. After finishing breakfast and cleaning the utensils, bowls, and plates we take have a short amount of leisure time to let the food digest. The television lights up to display the day’s news and weather. Everyone sits in silence while trying to establish a comfortable position on the floor or in a chair. Their eyes either glued to the tv or phone, after a segment of news finishes we get up from the floor and our seats. Heading to the door we grab our work shoes and head of to the shed to get the equipment for the day’s task ahead of use. The sun starts to creep over the mountains to lay a blanket of light over the fields, a slight warmth starts to wrap around the body.
We grab our tools for the mild morning task(s) and head to the back of the house. Greeted by land filled with various fruits, grain, and vegetables. We march toward the part of the land surrounded by fruit on trees and bushes. Readying our gloves and baskets we tend to the bushes that bare blueberries and being to pick them and add them to our baskets. Casually striking small talk we pick the berries until we fill the baskets, hopefully before the sun fully rises. Once our baskets are filled to the brim we walk through the rows of blueberry bushes, apple, and plum trees we reach the house and return to the kitchen. Laying our baskets down on the table jokingly stated who picked the most we then return back to the front of the house to retrieve our shoes and head back to the shed. We retrieve small shovels, hoes, and rakes and go out to the fields in front of the house. Out in the field lies a structure standing tall with a tarp over it like a tent. When entering one feels heat from the sun glaring over the top and the prickles of unwanted plants poking the sides of your legs through your socks. Then using the tools with all of our strength we spike the shovels and hoes in the ground breaking and crumbling the dirt near our feet to assure these unwanted plants were being destroyed and pulled from the roots. We continue to use these tools all the way down the rows on this big tent like structure pulling up unwanted plant by unwanted plant after the great deal is done we gather it all into a pile and go to the shed to receive containers and wheelbarrows to store the unwanted plants in. We then take these containers out of the tent and travel with them to the side of the house where a burial ground of debris and trash lay to be burn and disposed of at a later time. We then clean up our station by picking up all the tools and taking them back to the shed to be put in their appropriate place. We all then head back to the house to have lunch.
Once again as we approach the house and kitchen the smell of food starts to fly past the nostrils filling the whole house with the smell of a fresh cooked meal. The smell of grilled fish with steam vegetables attacks the nose, the steam of the rice is shooting up to the ceiling, the rich smell of curry flows through the air, and the sight of fresh fruit with juices and tea placed at the edge of the table all in a buffet set layout. Enjoying the food and talking about the past tasks of the day and what’s left to do. Also shifting our attention back and forth from the tv to check for the current events going on worldwide, in Japan, and in the local community. Discussing anything of interests such as news of farms around Japan, any natural disasters happen in Japan such as flashes floods or excess rain or heat, and any tragedies that occurred in any other countries. While Finishing up the food we clean off the table and wash and dry the dishes and then head to our rooms for a short rest to let the food we just ate digest. If its laying down or doing some extra work during this leisure time the farm is filled in silence from any human interaction and as if time is slowed making it easy to relax. Seeing the plants rustling, the emptiness of the community, and the sun hovering over the city why laying down it’s as if the spotlight is on oneself for the good work done so far.
After settling from our rest time we then suit up once again putting on our shoes and gloves and heading off to finish the day’s work by checking the tomato vines and then picking the brightest red tomatoes and put them in the baskets near the tomato vines. Going down the row of tomato vines is endurance building work as a complete lack of shade is present allowing the sun to beat against the skin relying on the sweat to act as a coolant. We put our knees in the dirt to balance in between the rows to avoid from stepping on the tomatoes. The small prickle spikes tend to scrape against the arm when picking for bright red tomatoes buried in the vines that are present, and the deeper and further down the rows spider webs and spiders tend to be more common. Then an occasionally breeze flies by to give relief from the heat and everyone looks around to see how others are doing, but at the same time a sense of competitiveness lingers as to who can fill the most baskets to the brim with tomatoes. As the sun starts to crawl towards the hills we start to wrap up a day’s hard work. All the tomatoes that were picked and placed in the basket are now being poured into crates, we see all the hours’ worth of tomatoes being picked fill up the crates one by one to show the benefits from a day of hard work by hand. We then load the crates onto the back of the truck and head to the house for the concluding tea break. Walking towards the house we take off our gloves, brush the dirt off our clothes, and wipe the sweat our face. We sit on the stoop and take our shoes off and enter the house. The cool air inside adds a relaxing factor to the realization of the day’s hard work at an end. We sit at the kitchen table receiving thanks from one another for a hard day’s work and sit down. Presented at the table is tea and snacks from rice crackers or fruit ranging from its entirety to a sweet let treat such as it being topped off with yogurt or a honey like sauce. Drinking the tea and eating the healthy alternative snacks brings a feeling of freshness after working under the radiant sun throughout the day.
After our last tea break concluding the work session for the day we once again give thanks for the hard work done throughout the day and head outside and to our rooms for leisure time to do what we want for the rest of the day until dinner time. During this time is a mixture of relaxation and preparation. First off is changing into different clothes, but before that is making sure that we are clean before switching clothes; therefore, turns are taken for using the one shower on the premises that’s in the main house and pokes out to the garden. The shower room is one of the more enjoyable processes of the day. Being made of a sleek wood with a traditional design of an onsen the shower room is spacious. It allows natural light to illuminate the room but also having clouded glass to obscure the view from outside given the one using it facility privacy. The option of taking a bath or shower is present and the water temperature reaches a nice heated or cool peak. The shower steams up helping alleviate any congestion, the multiple hygiene racks and rails give a sense of security and personalized welcome for one’s own supplies, and because of the rock styled floor there is a lack of feeling guilty for staining anything from the dirt accumulated from a day’s work.
Finishing up with showering and switching into new clothes the rest of that the day is open for many possibilities. Sometimes a drive to the store, a bike ride around the community, or simply resting until dinner time tend to be major selections after cleaning up. During this time the day feels as if time is slowed down and sped up at the same time, because there is nothing needed to be done and the feeling of being able to relax is never enough. Once the bright white lights of the kitchen turn on and the steam of the food travels around the house and outside the windows, it is then time for dinner. Everyone present around the table grabbing plates, utensils, and food. Giving thanks for the food and then the enjoyment of eating and socializing with those around the table. Asking how everyone is doing and what needs to be done tomorrow, a very family feeling moment during dinner. Then a nice healthy alternative of fruits and sauce(s) for dessert. Once again giving thanks for the food and then pitching in on cleaning the dishes, everyone saying their good nights as silence fills the farm and the sun falls over the hill, the day edges towards its end and everyone retreats to their room to sleep and prepare for the next day.
Background
Throughout the typical day on the farm, previously described above, was the lifestyle and uniform structure of work with a very small amount to no usage of modern technology will successful keeping operations at it finest. During a study abroad experience Fall 2015 in Akita, Japan I had developed an interest in the community and environment. After traveling throughout Akita I had realized that there wasn’t too much large scale farming at all and I pondered this thought because Akita was known as one of the most popular areas in Japan that grows and harvest rice. Although there wasn’t that much large scale farming I did notice a lot of small scale farms that seemed to be economically stable/sound or even thriving and inside and outside of their operations it didn’t seem as if there was much machinery or land. This led me to the question of how these farmers were able to stay stable and continue operations without the use of modern technology such as tractors, seeders, drones, etc.
I had traveled to a couple of farms and co-ops and talked with some of the farms/workers. Co-ops are defined as “member-owned, member-governed businesses that operate for the benefit of their owners according to common principles agreed upon by the international cooperative community. [Co-ops simply are] voluntarily owned by the people who use it and operated for the benefit of its owners” according Seward Community CO-OP. From experience throughout Japan the Japanese places I went to were considered co-ops by the owners, because they have organic product, other farmer’s products, or had people from public help or be active around the farm. Regardless of the goods and services provided, co-ops aim to meet their owners' needs. All of the ones I interacted with seemed so happy and content with life and the natural grown fruit and vegetables were delicious. These farmers/workers I interacted with usually had little land, usually around half to one hectare approximately 1.2 – 2.5 acres. Some delivered their harvested crops to co-ops, but most of the small scale farms in Akita had a small co-op attached to their own land. These co-ops are small shops that sold their own grown produce and their neighbor’s grown produce and sometimes they would also have a small kitchen/restaurant in it that would prepare dishes using only the locally produced ingredients. These small scale farms and co-ops allowed the consumers/customers to see where their food was actually grown and processed.
The farmers/workers became very excited when you talk to them and ask about their crops, and even with a mild language barrier they would still explain their process of natural/organic growth of their fruits and vegetables and would even try to use English when explaining. Their main emphasis and stress came from them naturally growing everything, which is a method in traditional farming. After visiting all these farms, I would notice the price of products would vary quite differently from grocery store’s products, especially from the products such as fruits and vegetables you could get at a local co-op. The food would be cheaper and the quality of the food was better at local co-ops, from my colleague’s and my opinion, me being an American and my colleague being Taiwanese, we had many different perspectives and opposing opinions on a lot of different events. At the supermarket, the food that I would get would either be sealed or its price would be too high or fluctuate too often when compared to the co-ops in which the food had either looked like it was freshly harvested with sometimes dirt around it such as potatoes and the price being significantly lower for how you would get. This was because the economics of agriculture is declining and supermarkets and large agricultural companies try to encourage competition by branding/promoting food products by region of growth, how it was grown, and whether it came from small or large scale farms.
The next year in summer 2016 I decided to research further into the situation and took up the title as a WWOOFer, WWOOF standing for World Wide Opportunities on Organic Farms. I got an opportunity to work on a farm in the middle of Japan in the Chubu area in Nagano prefecture in the city of Omachi. Nagano is known for growing tasty fruits such as apples, strawberries, and grapes among other fruits. I was stationed on a small scale organic farm run by a family of four, known as Nakamura Farm in the city of Omachi. The father (Ichiro Nakamura) and the eldest son, were primary workers and the mother (Hiromi Nakamura) and grandmother helped weed the garden and clean around the house. The household originally had six children the eldest son works and the youngest daughter (informant/fluent English speaker), who frequently came and went, were the only ones who would physically be on the farm. The other two daughters were teachers and one son was a massage therapist while the other worked at a fire station next to a co-op were the Nakamura family sold some of their harvested crops. The farm also hosted as an Airbnb that offered a true traditional farm experience. Though the farm was widely known for growing natural/organic crops, its main product was apples, and it was a farm that promoted international acceptance, meaning they wanted to give the city of Omachi more recognition on the map to attract foreigners, thus opening up a great opportunity for me to conduct research on the topic at hand.
Literature Review
A majority of my information came from Japan’s Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries. It was quite difficult to find related or conflicting scholarly material, because all sources focused on a particular aspect of technological practices and applications or applications of cultural values held in Japan, rather than a broader scope of the previously stated. However, the book Japanese Agriculture: Patterns of Rural Development by Richard Henry Moore did give me a clear framework of the process and status of Japanese farmer’s. The book emphasized the decentralized rural industry and a high rate of part-time farming, a high standard of income parity between rural and urban households, and relative stability in the number of farming households and the scale of agriculture maintained through single heir inheritance. In my case I was on a farm in a rural area and from my experience on the farm and with the farms I interacted with, they all intended for their farms to be inherited by their eldest son or one of the oldest workers that had relation to them if a son was not present.
The data of Japan’s Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries provided me with the facts and knowledge to properly devise a thesis and to focus for on my project. Knowing the state of agriculture in Japan and understanding the stability of future food supply, agricultural production, producer prices of agricultural commodities, among other things gave me the insight to building a model for the current situation and stability of the average Japanese farmer.
The New World Encyclopedia displayed information of technology used on farms and by farmers for agricultural purposes. The significance of the New World Encyclopedia gave me overall knowledge of farming machinery and help aid in a staple of farm technology so I could have a comparison for what the traditional farmer of Omachi viewed as modern technology.
The book Who Rules Japan? The Inner Circles of Economic and Political Power by Harold R. Kerbo and John A. McKinstry provided a solid literary background on Japanese Culture. Who Rules Japan? The Inner Circles of Economic and Political Power provides information of the cultural and economic backbone of Japan, not only from a globalized view, but also from a western view pertaining to me as they make compare and contrast with American culture. The main chapter of interest is “Japan: Some Key Aspects of Social Structure and Culture”. It contains early western views of Japan, culture and explanations of Japanese behavior, problems for cultural explanations of Japanese behavior, and key aspects of Japanese social organization and culture. This book was beneficial to support some of the claims I made from the observations I made from my time spent in Japan, such as confirming their collectivist society, indirectness and their belief of obligation for working hard.
The book Ethnography a Way of Seeing by Harry F. Wolcott helped me with certain methods in conducting ethnographic research, even though most of my skills were harnessed from Methods of Anthropology from California State Polytechnic University, Pomona taught by professor Matthew Whittle. Ethnography a Way of Seeing gave me different perspective on defining experiences in the field and enquiring. Wolcott states that “experiencing includes, of course, information that comes directly through all senses [ and enquiring] requires a different approach to field work. It poses a dilemma for a field researcher: whether to intrude by interjecting one’s own agenda into a setting, or to remain silent in the hope that what one wants to know may (eventually) be revealed in some natural occurring way” (Wolcott). This helped aid in my mindset for actively obtaining and recording information in whether I felt would be more beneficial naturally or through my own action.
Methodology
My thesis was based on ethnographic research, which helped me collect stronger evidence to use to help aid in providing a possible answer for the question at hand of the stability of Japanese Farms in rural areas and whether or not the rejection of modern technology plays a vital role in supporting the farms stability. In the beginning, when I was setting up the trip for Japan I looked for a farm that had good crop diversity and was small scale. The reason for that is I believed that there would be many methods for the farmers to grow and maintain the crops whether it be the usage or rejection of modern technology. Small scale farms being “intensive farming [that] doesn't require large acreage, allows for the cultivation of multiple crops and livestock” (Earles). Also, Small scale farms were important, because that was the focus of farms with little to no assistance from the government or private investors. In Japan, according to government statistics, “the average size of a farm in Japan was just 1.9 hectares, or 4.7 acres, in 2009” (Hays). After finding a couple of attractive location I contacted the farms the WWOOF Portal and let them know my reason for wanting to stay and participate in daily tasks on the farm.
Seeking to be through with my ethnographic practice(s) I let them know that I planned on doing participant observation, interviewing, and taking pictures and video to get a proper consent. For reference participant observation is “all activities in which field workers engage [and interviewing is defined as] everything from conversation to the formal structured interview” (Wolcott). By letting the family know, it helped me build rapport(bond) and it allowed for them to continue carrying on about their business as usually even when I was recording or taking photos around them. Participant observation was very important because it allowed me to see the exact processes of how the farm was run and allowed me to partake in the farm tasks to develop the feel of earned – hands on work. I also participated in local events such as festivals watching the performances, approaching shrines, and eating festive foods to enable myself the opportunity to have a better comprehension of their culture. Along with participating, I felt that interviewing was just as important to get straight forward clear cut answers from the farmers themselves. This also gave them time to think and elaborate on their explanations and statements. Recording with videos and pictures was a method for reference and presentation allowing my audience to physical see my descriptions and allowing me to go back and look upon it to see if my thoughts and the pictures/videos correlated properly to relay the information in text.
Lastly, keeping a mid-range status and building rapport was also an important factor I had to maintain to make sure that everyone was comfortable with me. As an outsider I didn’t want to get treated differently to the point where I wouldn’t get the information needed to conduct this research; therefore, I followed the rules strictly while trying to be a person who wouldn’t affect their operations in any negative way. I did of what was asked from me and then sometimes I would try to do a little extra work such as cleaning the tools or bring back treats from places I visited to show friendliness and willingness. Though I didn’t want to go too far out of my way, because I didn’t want certain expectations to be built or for them to think of as something other than a volunteer worker. Also making sure I did not offend them in anyway, I would speak mainly when they would talk to unless I felt they expected me to say something by looking at me with a puzzling or curious look. Keeping a mid-range status overall allowed for better communication and respect. Staying within your limits and rights gives the one’s being observed a better reason for them to trust you, feel comfortable around you, and the ability to develop a bond to make your outsider status feel closer to an insider status, which you can obtain more information, from personal experience.
Overall the methodology was composed of four major components: participant observation, interviewing, taking pictures and video, and building rapport. These components allowed me to properly study and observe the farms of Omachi and Nakamura farm at my own pace and discretion. It also gave me the confidence to give a proper answer with supportive alternatives. Thus the usage of ethnography gave me the advantage to not only learn about this topic, but also the ability and wonderful opportunity to allow me to experience what it is like to strive for a positive image to help aid in the determination of keeping a small scale farm stable without the usage of modern technology.
Argument
Throughout my stay in Nagano Prefecture, Omachi City at Nakamura farm as a WWOOFer during summer 2016. I devised the claim that traditional Japanese farmers reject current technology as a means of upholding cultural values. I made this claim after review and analyzing my stay in Akita and Nagano. I began with the question on how farms in rural area were keeping their stability despite the lack of technology. I have a background in STS, and consequently believed that the social context is import for the use of technology. Granted the small scale farms I interacted with seem to have minimal if any modern technology. Instead of using technology, these farms had workers that would work hard with their hands and limited low tech tools from early in the morning until mid-evening (Sunrise to Sunset). The same was true at Nakamura farm where I was stationed for my duration in Japan. I would follow the same schedule doing various tasks with my hands such as picking fruits, berries, and vegetables. I would also partake in using tools such as spading forks, hoes, trimmers/edgers, baskets/bags, and wheelbarrows. These were very low-tech tools used to accomplish great feats that more modern technologies that would debatably do more easily, quickly, and efficiently. Examples of such technological devices are tractors, weed whackers, seeders, rotary tillers, potato digger, drones, and the list can continue for quite a while. I keep all this in mind to ask questions for when I would do my interview with the family. While watching tv with the family during tea time and lunch breaks I noticed that during the news that had special/local farm topics there would be a lot of coverage on young farmers using more modern technology on their farm and using it to encourage younger Japanese to work, intern, or volunteer at their farms. Despite the Nakamura family watching these farm topics they always continued sticking to their own ways. They didn’t see it as necessary and sometimes laughed because they thought those farms were wasting money/resources using modern technology such as drones or self-driven tractors. After harvesting the tomatoes one day and seeing them driven off I asked the father where the eldest son was taking the tomatoes and he told me that he was taking them to the co-op to be sold, and the daughter later told me that the co-op only sold organic products. I then came up with my important questions I would ask that lead me to my thesis.
The questions that led me to my thesis were how old was the farm? What is deemed as modern technology? How does the Nakamura farm decide whether to use or reject technological applications? How does the government affect the farm(s)? How does the Nakamura Farm interact with the community? Lastly what does the Nakamura Farm consider success? They answered these questions giving insight for the thesis.
The farm is 201 years old dating back to 1815 and currently on their 9th generation. The Nakamura Farm considers repellents (pesticides, herbicides, and insecticides), drones (uav and spraying repellents), self-driving tractors, and a majority of electrical/remote controlled machinery to be modern technology. How they decided on what technology/machinery is to be used is based on the necessity of its applications. For example, towards the end of my stay Mr. Nakamura purchased a solar power bird/pest alarm, it was a machine that was on a timer (about every two minutes) that made a popping noise to scare away pests. Getting its energy from the sun, when the sun went down the machine would power off. This was a necessity, because Mr. Nakamura could not monitor and dispose of the pests in every single area of the farm during his work hours; therefore, he put this device near the area were waste was disposed and a majority of pests would go, too free up his time to go tend to the more sensitive areas.
The government mainly affected them in the sense that they had a limitation put on their area for growing rice and they decreased the value of rice. The way the Nakamura Farm interacts with the community is by selling their products at local co-ops, community support work (sharing equipment and having meetings on status of farms/farm operations), and promoting international acceptance in the community by encouraging WWOOFing. Lastly what felt the most important was, which was their definition of success. The Nakamura family considered success as having a positive impactful image that is being seen as hard workers who do not take short cuts, caring about their productions and the community, and promoting the style of traditional farming. This shows that their prestige and cultural values tie into their perspective on technology.
Japanese culture has collectivist values meaning more importance goes towards the group than the individual. Through the 6 Dimension Geert Hofstede model we can confirm this through Japan’s low individualistic score of 46 out of 100 compared to the US score of 91 out of 100. Certainly Japanese society shows many of the characteristics of a collectivistic society: such as putting harmony of group above the expression of individual opinions and people have a strong sense of shame for losing face…Japanese are experienced as collectivistic by Western standards [; however, are] experienced as Individualist by Asian standards. They are more private and reserved than most other Asians”. This gives reason to why they would believe their image to be more important in contrast to America’s individualistic culture and association of individual success as achieving high financial status. Now the significance of these questions give rise to me putting together and devising a thesis that traditional Japanese farmers like at Nakamura farm reject current technology as a means of upholding cultural values. They hold to a market that respects and expects food grown naturally/organically, proof of one’s hard work; therefore, it is only natural holding up to their cultural values that the use of modern technology would not even be attractive to them nor would they want to use it, because it could pose as a threat to their image.
Though briefly stated previously, the family’s hosting to others through Airbnb brought up an interest to their decision on not accepting the usage of modern technology. The reason for this is that they advertise themselves on Airbnb, Facebook, etc. as being able to provide an experience of an authentic daily life of Japanese farmers. Hence, a lack or rejection of modern technology would help play into this role of traditional Japanese farming. This then broadens the scope of their decisions on technology usage, making this a more complex situation to were multiple factors affect the decision of which type of technology is appropriate to use. There could be more observable and questionably factors beyond holding to cultural values and the advertisement of the farm as a place for foreigners and Japanese to experience a traditional Japanese farm lifestyle.
Objections & Rebuttals
After my research I understand that it is not absolute, but rather a subjective observation and a gathering of experiences and data, leaving my thesis prone to objections, which allows for progression in understanding whether the usage or rejection of current technology poses as a detrimental factor in the stability of Japanese farms in rural areas. Possible objections can be that the reason for the farmers rejecting modern technology is there is a lack of knowledge on how to use and apply it properly to the farm operation. Another possibility can be the reason they don’t use modern technology is it can be costly, which would cause a disadvantage to keeping the farm act in a devalued field of agriculture. An objection can also be as simple as the usage of modern technology go against their cultural values.
The first objection that the rejection of technology is because a lack of knowledge on how to properly apply it to farm operation is unlikely, because of the application of the solar bird/pest alarm. They implemented a device that could be used daily on their farm and also be deemed as self-programmed modern technology, but because it uses its energy from the sun it can be deemed as a natural act. The father, Mr. Nakamura saw the device as a convenient and necessary type of technology, which did not interfere with the farm’s image. Also the machine didn’t act as a crutch to relieve him of the satisfaction of doing hands on work, for he had to tend to the other crops and if they got infested he would just remove the part that had the infestation and then would try and border it off.
The second objection that the reason that small scale traditional Japanese Farmers don’t use technology is it can be costly which is disadvantageous in a devalued field. This isn’t completely the case, because there was still the use of technology that wasn’t applied strictly for farm operations. Once again stating the solar bird/pest alarm was purchased not too far before my leave from the farm. Also the farmer’s at Nakamura farm did believe in promoting international acceptance which went along with their image of being positive on the environment/area. In order to promote international acceptance, they used the internet and had multiply WiFi routers. Though this was a special case, because the use of the internet didn’t not directly tie into farm operations, which away the threat of its usage towards their image. Not only did Nakamura farm use the internet for communication for WWOOFers, but they also ran an Airbnb, which they took in foreigners and shared their traditional farm life culture with the visitants and showed them around the prefecture of Nagano.
Lastly, Airbnb could play one vital role of many to opposing to the idea of Traditional Japanese Farmers rejecting technology because of their strong pride in keeping their cultural values. This being an economic motivation that if they reject the use of modern technology throughout the farm it would give the image of a farm that solely runs on man power making it more appealing for the advertisement of being able to live an authentic daily life like Japanese farmers. People who seek out a day or vacation to experience in the countryside on a farm would be more impressed and pleased seeing and experience what media has to offer of farmers growing and harvesting their own food, using hand tools, wearing typical apperal of boots, blue jeans, sun hat, etc. Maybe tractors at the least for modern technology, but the usage of drones, self-driven tractors, and automatic seeders would give off the feeling of your typical everyday family farm. With this mindset cultural values are essentially just an added gimmick to give lore to a traditional Japanese farm.
Conclusion
In conclusion, what can be applied as a proper objection is something that would contradict their beliefs while attacking the farm’s image. Instead of just targeting the rejection of technology, an explanation of their choice of using traditional farming would be sufficient. Thus I believe it is safe to conclude with my thesis, as a proper claim to formulate a way of answering how the economic stability in Japanese Farms in rural areas continues. For this research there were multiple factors that tie into this topic making it possible for more than one main answer; therefore, leaving a marginal amount of room and opportunity to further continues this research. Lastly throughout the research I have only found evidence for this in the Chubu and Tohoku area leaving data and research to be review and analyzed for further interpretation in different areas and on a larger scale.
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